American Jews have always strongly supported the state of Israel. We still do. Support, however, does not translate automatically into blanket approval of all Israeli policies and actions. We do not say, "My country, right or wrong." The members of a newly formed organization, Colorado Jews for a Just Peace, respectfully disagree with the notion that criticism of Israeli policy is harmful to Israel's well-being.

While there is fundamental agreement among all Jews on the need for Israeli security, there are important differences about how best to achieve that security. We believe that the best answer is Israeli withdrawal from all occupied territories, including the settlements, and the establishment of a meaningful, viable, fully sovereign Palestinian state. This is the only way to guarantee real and long-lasting Israeli security and to end the suicide bombings of Israeli citizens. We also believe in the need for Palestinian security as a matter of principle and as a necessary complement to Israel's security.

This approach is both pragmatic and in accordance with the long-standing Jewish tradition of social justice and compassion. Judaism and Jewish ethical traditions are not now, and never have been, a matter of real estate. Dealing with other people in a humane and just manner is fundamental to the religious or secular beliefs we share. A few weeks ago, 75,000 Israelis marched for peace in Yitzhak Rabin Square in Tel Aviv — an expression of this Jewish tradition. More than 500 Israeli military reservists (known as "seruvniks," from the Hebrew word "seruv" — refusal) have refused to serve beyond the 1967 Israeli borders, because they believe that this is their responsibility as Jews.

The seruvniks' legal adviser, Michael Sfard, explains their reasons well: "The occupation corrupted Israeli culture, it eroded our code of ethics, and it even contaminated the Hebrew language. In the name of the fight against the murderous and unforgivable terror that struck Israeli cities and towns, we grew accustomed to manning checkpoints in which thousands of Palestinians are being detained for hours and humiliated by young soldiers. We grew accustomed to pointing our rifles at children and women. We became tolerant of large-scale demolition of houses. We were asked to implement discriminatory laws for the sake of the illegal settlements that have trapped our country in an endless messianic war, a war which the vast majority of Israelis never wanted. As soldiers who witnessed, first hand, the corrosive effect of the occupation on ordinary Israelis and Palestinians, we could no longer bear its destructive implications for what we were raised to believe were Israeli values — respect for human life and dignity. The seruvniks come from the backbone of Israeli society. They were always seen by themselves and by others as Israelis from the mainstream of our civic life."

The record of Israeli treatment of the Palestinians, under both Likud and Labor governments, has been appalling. Cold statistics lack the media appeal of violence, flashing lights, ambulences — and bodies. It takes some imagination to comprehend the miseries they imply. According to The Economist, per capita GDP for Palestinians was less than $3 a day before the current round of violence (compared to $50 a day for Israelis). Infant mortality has soared. Unemployment now approaches 75 percent. The Palestinian economy is shattered.

During the recent West Bank incursions, the Israeli army destroyed more than Palestinian homes. Nablus' oldest mosque was gutted. In Bethlehem, a Syriac Orthodox church was bombed. This appears to be a policy aimed at eradicating the Palestinian heritage. In Ramallah, Israeli soldiers invaded Palestinian Authority ministries, denuded land registries of maps, and trashed non-governmental offices servicing health and human rights activities. Israeli soldiers took the hard drive of every computer in the Ministry of Education; the disks contained information on 650,000 teachers and students in 155 West Bank schools. These were not accidents of war. The Economist concluded, "The Israeli army seemed to have targeted the sinews of a future Palestinian state."

The present stance of the U.S. government does not address the real situation on the ground. The occupation and the Jewish settlements are paramount issues in any consideration of creating an equitable and lasting peace between the parties. Yet on May 5, National Security Advisor Condoleeza Rice made the astonishing comment that the settlements would have "a lower priority" in the administration's approach to the conflict.

Violence will never produce a long-term resolution of the conflict. As is usually the case in such matters, a few moral precepts trump the miasma of clever strategies, charges and countercharges. We believe that the outlines of an equitable resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are already available. They can be found in the discussions between the parties at Taba, Egypt, in January 2001, and in the proposal of Saudi Crown Prince Abdullah earlier this year. Colorado Jews for a Just Peace asserts that a decent respect for humankind is the only sound basis for an equitable and lasting agreement between warring parties. We invite you to join our efforts.

L'chayam — choose life.

Irving Greenbaum is a member of Colorado Jews for a Just Peace. He lives in Boulder. This article was originally published as a guest opinion in the Boulder Daily Camera (www.dailycamera.com) on June 23, 2002.